Assorted Links

Michael Bailey’s Defense of Academic Freedom

I have no problem with Holocaust deniers. They are probably a good thing — a mild irritant keeping the rest of us on our toes (like fermented food). Being forced to look at evidence will do most people good. The people who scare me, who do real damage, are the ones who want to silence Holocaust deniers. They don’t meet enough resistance. That Holocaust actually happened is exactly why we should be so afraid of intolerance in any direction (e.g., pro- or anti-Semitic). But Holocaust deniers are too intellectually feeble to do a good job of defending freedom of thought. So, by and large, it is poorly defended. Sure, most “unthinkable” views (such as Holocaust denial) are nonsense. But not all.

The paragraph you just read (“I have no problem…”) is a terrible defense of academic freedom. It’s vague, argumentative, unemotional, impersonal, and abstract. I think the best defense of a belief is to practice it, which is why, in my lifetime, the best defense of academic freedom has been The Man Who Would Be Queen (about male homosexuals) by Michael Bailey, a professor at Northwestern. The book led to a campaign of vilification against Bailey led by Lynn Conway and Deidre McCloskey. I blogged and corresponded with McCloskey about it.

Bailey has again defended academic freedom by practicing it. Last week Bailey’s Human Sexuality class caused controversy because of an after-class demonstration in which a woman was brought to orgasm on stage using an unusual device. Again we are learning the actual consequences of academic freedom, as opposed to simplistic arguments (like mine) or homilies about how good it is.

The Human Sexuality controversy led to publication of this story (which I have shortened):

As an undergraduate at Northwestern University, I only saw one professor argue with his students. It happened several times in the same class, Human Sexuality. [The first time was in 2005.] The professor, J. Michael Bailey, had been leading us through some provocative research, which suggested that if you control for a whole variety of factors, adults who were sexually abused as children are not much more likely to have psychological pathologies than adults who were not.

[During the question period] a dark-haired young woman in the back of the class stood up right away. Hundreds of heads turned to look at her.

“You’re talking about sexually abusing children,” she said. “No matter what the research says, that is morally wrong.”

Bailey said that his moral judgment had nothing to do with the matter, that he was presenting research and that was all.

The student said, “What would you say if one of your daughters was molested?”

“If one of my daughters was molested, I would be devastated,” he said. “But I would take comfort in knowing that the molestation would not necessarily ruin her life.”

The young woman sat down. Bailey got back to his lecture.

What have I learned from this? At the simplest level, here are two stories — two pieces of evidence, two things to think about. Something more subtle is that a blunt argument (e.g., my first paragraph) is a kind of intolerance all by itself. The opposite of blunt argument is telling a story.

“My Body, My Laboratory” (TIME article)

Last week Time published an article about self-experimentation called “My Body, My Laboratory” by Eben Harrell that is now fully available on-line. I am quoted a few times.

I distinguish between two kinds of self-experimentation — part of your job (the usual kind) or self-help (what I do) — and it’s easy to put each of the examples in the article into one pile or the other. However, I think that if you go far enough into the future and look back, you will see three varieties:

1. Professional. Self-experimentation done as part of your job (e.g., doctor). A dentist testing a new anesthetic, for example. All famous examples are in this category.

2. Self-help. Self-experimentation done to improve your own life. Done by non-professionals. I call this personal science.

3. Combination of the two. A professional combines job skills and self-help. This is what I did. My job (experimental psychologist) gave my self-experimentation (about weight loss, sleep, mood, and health, all common self-help topics) a considerable boost.

Professionals (Category 1) have skills and resources. The self-helpers, the non-professionals (Category 2) have freedom and (greater) motivation. People in Category 3 have all four. To summarize this paper in three words, that really helps. Please imagine the Venn diagram — one circle (“Professional”), another circle (“Self-Help”), and area of overlap (“Me”).

The Great Stagnation (Part 1)

Tyler Cowen has written a short Kindle book called The Great Stagnation. I have a lot to say about it. This post is about the context, how it fits into a bigger picture. In a later post I’ll discuss its ideas.

At the end of The Economy of Cities (her favorite among her books), Jane Jacobs said if a flying saucer came to Earth she’d want to know how they avoided stagnation. The main battle in any society, said Jacobs, is not between rich and poor or owners and labor but between those who benefit from the status quo and those who benefit from new ways of doing things. The status quo usually wins, no surprise. And the status quo tends to become more powerful over time, which is why Jacobs didn’t know if profound stagnation could be avoided as a kind of terminal state. When she wrote The Economy of Cities (published 1969), she saw stagnation mounting in the American economy — in transportation, for example. By stagnation she didn’t mean lack of growth; she meant lack of useful innovation, causing problems to stack up unsolved. If you keep doing the same things, but more intensely, you will grow in conventional economic terms (e.g., GDP) but you aren’t solving your problems. Doing more of the wrong thing (e.g., treating all diseases with pills) counts as growth but such growth makes things worse, not better, because bad ways of doing things become more entrenched.

Most people see Jacobs as someone who wrote about cities. She saw herself as someone with new ideas about economic development — especially innovation. Cities are important above all because city people are more innovative than rural people. Tractors, for example, grew out of city inventions (the internal combustion engine, etc.). The same person (same IQ, same wealth) will be more innovative in a city than outside of one.

Stagnation is a major problem at all levels of the economy. A few years ago, a friend of mine who worked at the Chicago Tribune said it was clear newspapers were in trouble long before craigslist. As early as the 1980s, he said, there were bad signs. They were ignored. The people in charge kept doing the same things. Had they started trying new things at the first signs of trouble, they might have found a way out. But they were complacent. By the time they stopped being complacent, it was (apparently) too late. Gone (1999) by Renata Adler, a great book, is about the disastrous consequences of stagnation at The New Yorker. The Innovator’s Dilemma by Clayton Christensen is about stagnation at industry-leading companies, such as DEC, GM, and Microsoft. Failure to innovate enough was what Christensen found when he tried to understand why industry-leading companies frequently lost their lead. Not only do these companies lose their lead, they often go out of business.

How to avoid or recover from stagnation, Jacobs was saying, is the central question of economic life, with no clear answer. Yet it is roundly ignored. In the Berkeley Public Library a few years ago, I picked up an introductory economics textbook for junior colleges, 700 pages long. It had one page — fact-free, poorly-written — about where new goods and services come from. This is typical of the introductory economics textbooks I’ve seen. It reflects the profession as a whole: I estimate about 1% of mainstream economic research is about innovation. It should be half the field.

To study innovation is to study what controls it, what makes the rate of innovation go up or down. Thorstein Veblen (not a mainstream economist) wrote one essay and two books about it. Adam Smith wrote nothing interesting about it, as far as I know, nor did Keynes. I remember nothing interesting about it in The Worldly Philosophers by Heilbroner, including the chapters on Schumpeter and Veblen. There have been no Nobel Prizes about it. (Among the Economics prize-winners, Robert Fogle has done the best work about it, whereas Samuelson’s textbook is a monument to lack of understanding of innovation and its importance.) Ed Glaeser’s new book The Triumph of the City emphasizes that cities boost innovation but Jacobs said this 40 years ago. Because cities tend to grow (increasing innovation as they grow), why do whole societies stagnate? Apparently a countervailing force overcomes the innovative power of cities. I have never heard an economist make this point nor say what the countervailing force might be.

In Collapse, Jared Diamond showed how whole societies collapsed (ran out of food and disappeared) when they failed to innovate enough. Instead of blaming lack of innovation, Diamond blames overfishing, overhunting, soil problems, and so on. His list of “different” causes of collapse is like a list of “different” kinds of paranoia: persecution by the FBI, persecution by the CIA, persecution by the police, and so on. If a society does the same thing over and over, at increasing intensity, eventually it will collapse. The collapse may have many proximate causes.

Tyler does not assume that all growth is good. Perhaps influenced by Robin Hanson, he points out that vast health care spending has done little for American health. Much poorer countries get the same results. When you spend four times as much but get the same results, it implies stagnation. Presumably the 20% we share with poor counties is spent on the oldest stuff. If so, the most recent 80% of growth was worthless and a great deal of it has been a kind of churning, useless research passed off as useful. It entered the health care system, people paid for it, but it didn’t help them. It is entirely possible that some of the expensive health care found in America but not poor countries is beneficial and some of it is harmful.

Tyler sees the forest — a society-wide failure to solve important problems. The tremendous accomplishment of his book is to bring the puzzle of stagnation to mainstream economic attention (“the most talked-about economics book of the year so far” according to this review). I am too far from economics to guess what influence it will have on research, but if mainstream economics becomes even 2% about innovation and stagnation (= lack of useful innovation), that will be great intellectual progress.

Climate Model Predictions and What Happened

In a comment on a previous post about lack of convincing evidence for climate models — the ones that predict catastrophe — I wrote:

At any time — right now, 5 years ago, 10 years, 15 years ago –” the people who work with those models and claim we should pay attention to their predictions could make/have made a set of predictions: next year, the year after that, and so on. Then, as time passed, we would have found out if the models predict correctly. The modelers haven’t done that.

From this talk by Richard Muller, a Berkeley physicist, I learned of two instances where the modelers did what I said they haven’t done.

1. In 2009, James Hansen predicted, based on his model, that 2010 would be the hottest year on record. Since temperatures had been roughly constant — not rising — for the previous 12 years, this was an interesting prediction. When 2010 ended, Hansen’s own data (analyzed in an unusual way, according to Muller) found this to be true, but two other datasets found it to be false.

2. In 2001, several scientists, based on nine climate models, predicted that Antarctic ice would increase over the next ten years. In fact, it decreased (“exactly the opposite of the prediction”). In response, John Holdren, President Obama’s science advisor, said, according to Muller (at 26:22):

Well, those models were really wrong. But now we’ve changed those models. And now if we run them again they show that the ice will decrease. And therefore this is evidence in favor of global warming.

The audience tittered.

If you think Climategate was not important, and that the scientists whose email was revealed did nothing seriously wrong — as several official investigations, Bill McKibben (“if you managed to hack 3,000 emails from some scientist’s account, you might well find a few that showed them behaving badly”) and New Yorker staff writer Elizabeth Kolbert have concluded — you should see what Muller says about it (starting about 30:00).

I liked the talk. Muller makes several points with which I agree and presents helpful data. However, there were several things I didn’t like. There is one big gap. Muller thinks current climate models are probably right, but doesn’t explain why. I would have liked to know. And he says two things with which I deeply disagree. First, he says scientists shouldn’t say what the data will show — that is, make predictions. I believe that making and testing predictions is by far the best way to learn how much we know. Second, Muller says that buying a Prius does nothing. The improvement is too small, the cost of a Prius too great. People in China can’t afford a Prius, says Muller. This misses a really important point. When you buy a Prius you are supporting innovation. To solve the big problems that arise in any society, innovators need support. My theory of human evolution goes on and on about this. Long ago, connoisseurs supported innovation. Festivals such as Christmas supported innovation. Art lovers supported innovation. Fashion supported innovation. The great achievement of Tyler Cowen’s new book The Great Stagnation, which I will discuss tomorrow, is its focus on rate of innovation. What controls rate of innovation is a supremely important question usually ignored by economists — as Muller ignores it.

In any case, here are two actual predictions and how they fared.

Root Planing Cancelled

My friend Carl Willat writes:

Last June I went to the dentist for a checkup and cleaning, fully expecting my gums to be in great shape since I had been diligently using my Braun Oral B electric toothbrush. Â To my surprise and disappointment the hygienist told me the pockets had actually become deeper and that she was seeing bleeding in many places, to the point where she was recommending I have my roots planed, a painful and expensive procedure I had undergone once before many years ago. So of course I went home and started taking the flax seed oil and ground flax seed [“a couple of tablespoons a day of oil, plus random amounts of ground flax seed”] as you had recommended. Â I also started using a Sonicare toothbrush at that point so it’s hard to figure out the degree to which either variable might be responsible, but today she said my gums were much better, and had hardly bled at all during the measurement of the pockets. All talk of root planing was forgotten.

According to this, root planing costs $400-$1600. After Tyler Cowen started drinking flaxseed oil (2 T/day), he no longer needed gum surgery.

It is hard to get well-preserved flaxseed oil in Beijing (it goes bad at room temperature) so I now take 66 g/day ground flaxseed instead of 2 T/day flaxseed oil. I add it to yogurt twice/day. I don’t know if ground flaxseed is healthier or less healthy than flaxseed oil but it is much less trouble. Preservation is no problem (flaxseeds can be stored at room temperature) and ground flaxseed requires zero willpower to eat with yogurt. I had to push myself a little to drink the oil.

Inside Job Wins Oscar

I remember the first time I encountered Spy magazine. It was at Cody’s Bookstore in Berkeley. One of the articles attacked Bill Cosby. Wow! I thought. You don’t see that every day.

Which is why Inside Job, which just won the Oscar for long documentary of the year, is so important: It attacks prestigious professors at Harvard and Columbia and to some extent the institutions themselves. You don’t see that every day. Larry Summers, former Harvard president, is one of the main villains of the piece. Few intellectuals have combined poor understanding and power as much as Summers has. (With bonus points for nauseating treatment of staff.) Perhaps none has done so much harm. Had Summers not blocked Brooksley Born from regulating derivatives, the world would be a different place. And it isn’t just Summers. The movie shows that John Campbell, chairman of the Harvard economics department, has trouble understanding the concept of conflict of interest. What this says about Harvard, the most prestigious academic institution in the world, is not something Harvard professors are going to want to think about. Harvard, of course, is the home of Joseph Biederman, the most ethically-challenged professor I know of.

Michael Moore’s Sicko did a great job of provoking outrage. At the same time, however, it was empty of interesting thought. It was not a new idea that American health care might benefit from imitating other countries. So the outrage boils away unused. In contrast, Inside Job contains the beginning of a thoughtful critique: It says that economics professors were corrupted by all the money they could make praising and doing the bidding of Wall Street (e.g., resisting regulation). Summers made out especially well. You won’t find this critique in The Big Short, All The Devils Are Here, Too Big to Fail, or How Markets Fail. A viewer of Inside Job might stop giving money to Harvard until Harvard enacts conflict of interest rules for economics professors.

I don’t think conflict of interest is the whole problem with Summers et al. Poor understanding is a big part of it. A friend of mine at Berkeley took introductory economics. What about data? I asked her. Where’s the data for all these assertions? She went to her professor. Where’s the data? she asked. Don’t worry about data, he said. Economics professors have started paying more attention to data (Steve Levitt, John List), but they have a long way to go.